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Mil News Rohingya terrorist group attaacked Myanmar police and military base

Discussion in 'Military News articles' started by ao_sepia, Aug 26, 2017.

  1. ao_sepia Thailand

    ao_sepia Mi Private MI.Net Member

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  2. Bombardier

    Bombardier Admin & Arbiter Staff Member Site Admin

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    There is a lot of speculation about whats happening in Myanmar regarding the Rohingya people.
    Some of the posted articles suggest that the Myanmar Government consider the Rohingya to be illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

    I know little about the subject other than the news releases, can anybody enlighten me.

    What I see on the news does not look good, but it is the news and cannot always be relied upon for factual content.

    In the meantime I will keep reading.....
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  3. Bombardier

    Bombardier Admin & Arbiter Staff Member Site Admin

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    From Wikipedia

    The Rohingya people historically also termed Arakanese Indians are a stateless Indo-Aryan people from Rakhine State, Myanmar.
    There were an estimated 1 million Rohingya living in Myanmar before the 2016–17 crisis. The majority are Muslim while a minority are Hindu.

    Described by the United Nations in 2013 as one of the most persecuted minorities in the world,the Rohingya population are denied citizenship under the 1982 Myanmar nationality law. According to Human Rights Watch, the 1982 laws "effectively deny to the Rohingya the possibility of acquiring a nationality. Despite being able to trace Rohingya history to the 8th century, Myanmar law does not recognize the ethnic minority as one of the eight "national races". They are also restricted from freedom of movement, state education and civil service jobs.

    The legal conditions faced by the Rohingya in Myanmar have been compared with apartheid

    The Rohingyas have faced military crackdowns in 1978, 1991–1992, 2012, 2015 and 2016–2017.

    UN officials and HRW have described Myanmar's persecution of the Rohingya as ethnic cleansing. The UN human rights envoy to Myanmar reported "the long history of discrimination and persecution against the Rohingya community... could amount to crimes against humanity
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  4. Cobra United Kingdom

    Cobra Mi Corporal MI.Net Member

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    Putting it simply the prominent religion in Myanmar is Buddism
    The Rhohingya are muslim
    The Rohingya are seen as Illegal immigrants from Bangladesh
    There have been Islamist attacks against Myanamr security forces along the border with Bangladesh.

    So the Bangladesh military who appear to act autonomously from the Government of Aung San Suu Kyi are taking matters into their own hands and the Government are powerless to stop them (If indeed they actually want to). No doubt they are treating the Rohingyas as terrosists since they are Muslim and the attacks are seen to be motivated by Islam.

    I find it shocking that a race of people like the Rohingya who have a history going back to the 8th Century and also assisted allied Forces fight off the Japanese during WW2 are being treated as such, they deserve better. Regardless of our anger against Islamic extremists we should not treat all muslims the same way we would like to treat all terrorists. Most Rohingya just want to survive and yet we expect a race of people who have been persecuted the way they have to not fight back?, would we do nothing in those conditions?. Jesus we have riots in the western world simply because a group of people arent getting paid as much as they would like.....

    The more Bangladesh persecute the Rohingya the worse things will become.
    Western powers cannot allow this to continue, it is not the right way to fight extremism, in fact it creates more of it

    10 Things You Need to Know About the Persecution of Muslims in Myanmar (Burma)
    Last edited by a moderator: Oct 28, 2017
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  5. ~Phoenix~ Bangladesh

    ~Phoenix~ Mi Captain MI.Net Member

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    Dude,what have you been smoking? WHEN AND HOW DID BANGLADESH EVEN THINK OF PERSECUTING THEM? This genocide is happening in Arakan,which is the territory of Myanmar.
    Myanmar's continued atrocies against the innocent civilians have droven half a million flooding towards Bangladesh,where they are greeted with open arms.

    Excuse me,that Aung San is from Myanmar and Bangladesh is a different country.

    These Myanmarnese ***removed***** have no humanity,they kill innocents by thousands. And unlike them,we have humanity and have a heart,so we feed and shelter them.

    Last edited by a moderator: Oct 28, 2017
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  6. Cobra United Kingdom

    Cobra Mi Corporal MI.Net Member

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    My bad Bangladesh should read Mynamar, must have smoked too much wack backy when I posted this.

    The more Myanmar military persecute the Rohingya the worse things will become.

    So the Myanmar military who appear to act autonomously from the Government of Aung San Suu Kyi are taking matters into their own hands

    Apologies for my typing error @~Phoenix~
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  7. Bombardier

    Bombardier Admin & Arbiter Staff Member Site Admin

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    You were doing so well with your post @~Phoenix~ until you used that slanderous word that I have removed
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  8. ~Phoenix~ Bangladesh

    ~Phoenix~ Mi Captain MI.Net Member

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    Has the UN failed Myanmar's Rohingya Muslims?
    By Jonah Fisher BBC News, Yangon
    Image copyright AFP
    Image caption : Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya are sheltering in refugee camps in Bangladesh
    The UN leadership in Myanmar tried to stop the Rohingya rights issue being raised with the government, sources in the UN and aid community told the BBC.

    One former UN official said the head of the UN in Myanmar (Burma) tried to prevent human rights advocates from visiting sensitive Rohingya areas.

    More than 500,000 Rohingya have fled an offensive by the military, with many now sheltering in camps in Bangladesh.
    The UN in Myanmar "strongly disagreed" with the BBC findings.

    In the month since Rohingya Muslims began flowing into Bangladesh, the UN has been at the forefront of the response. It has delivered aid and made robust statements condemning the Burmese authorities.

    But sources within the UN and the aid community both in Myanmar and outside have told the BBC that, in the four years before the current crisis, the head of the United Nations Country Team (UNCT), a Canadian called Renata Lok-Dessallien:
    • tried to stop human rights activists travelling to Rohingya areas
    • attempted to shut down public advocacy on the subject
    • isolated staff who tried to warn that ethnic cleansing might be on the way.
    One aid worker, Caroline Vandenabeele, had seen the warning signs before. She worked in Rwanda in the run-up to the genocide in late 1993 and early 1994 and says when she first arrived in Myanmar she noticed worrying similarities.

    "I was with a group of expats and Burmese business people talking about Rakhine and Rohingya and one of the Burmese people just said 'we should kill them all as if they are just dogs'. For me, this level of dehumanisation of humans is one sign that you have reached a level of acceptance in society that this is normal."
    UN demands access amid Myanmar 'nightmare'
    Myanmar postpones diplomats' Rakhine visit
    For more than a year I have been corresponding with Ms Vandenabeele, who has served in conflict areas such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Rwanda and Nepal.

    Between 2013 and 2015 she had a crucial job in the UNCT in Myanmar. She was head of office for what is known as the resident co-ordinator, the top UN official in the country, currently Ms Dessallien.

    The job gave Ms Vandenabeele a front-row seat as the UN grappled with how to respond to rising tensions in Rakhine state.

    Back in 2012, clashes between Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists left more than 100 dead and more than 100,000 Rohingya Muslims in camps around the state capital, Sittwe.

    Truth, lies and Aung San Suu Kyi
    'Torture' of Myanmar Muslim minority - UN
    Since then, there have been periodic flare-ups and, in the past year, the emergence of a Rohingya militant group. Attempts to deliver aid to the Rohingya have been complicated by Rakhine Buddhists who resent the supply of aid for the Rohingya, at times blocking it and even attacking aid vehicles.

    Image copyright REUTERS
    Image caption Some Rohingya villages in northern Rakhine state have been razed
    It presented a complex emergency for the UN and aid agencies, who needed the co-operation of the government and the Buddhist community to get basic aid to the Rohingya.

    At the same time they knew that speaking up about the human rights and statelessness of the Rohingya would upset many Buddhists.

    So the decision was made to focus on a long-term strategy. The UN and the international community prioritised long-term development in Rakhine in the hope that eventually increased prosperity would lead to reduced tensions between the Rohingya and the Buddhists.
    Top UN official in Myanmar to be changed
    'Mass Hindu grave' found in Rakhine state
    Reality Check: Fake photos of Myanmar violence
    For UN staff it meant that publicly talking about the Rohingya became almost taboo. Many UN press releases about Rakhine avoided using the word completely. The Burmese government does not even use the word Rohingya or recognise them as a distinct group, preferring to call them "Bengalis".

    During my years reporting from Myanmar, very few UN staff were willing to speak frankly on the record about the Rohingya. Now an investigation into the internal workings of the UN in Myanmar has revealed that even behind closed doors the Rohingyas' problems were put to one side.[​IMG]
    Where have the Rohingya fled to
    Multiple sources in Myanmar's aid community have told the BBC that at high-level UN meetings in Myanmar any question of asking the Burmese authorities to respect the Rohingyas' human rights became almost impossible.
    Who will help Myanmar's Rohingya?
    Ms Vandenabeele said it soon became clear to everyone that raising the Rohingyas' problems, or warning of ethnic cleansing in senior UN meetings, was simply not acceptable.

    "Well you could do it but it had consequences," she said. "And it had negative consequences, like you were no longer invited to meetings and your travel authorisations were not cleared. Other staff were taken off jobs - and being humiliated in meetings. An atmosphere was created that talking about these issues was simply not on."

    Repeat offenders, like the head of the UN's Office for the Co-ordination for Humanitarian Assistance (UNOCHA) were deliberately excluded from discussions.

    Ms Vandenabeele told me she was often instructed to find out when the UNOCHA representative was out of town so meetings could be held at those times. The head of UNOCHA declined to speak to the BBC but it has been confirmed by several other UN sources inside Myanmar.

    Ms Vandenabeele said she was labelled a troublemaker and frozen out of her job for repeatedly warning about the possibility of Rohingya ethnic cleansing. This version of events has not been challenged by the UN.

    Attempts to restrict those talking about the Rohingya extended to UN officials visiting Myanmar. Tomas Quintana is now the UN special rapporteur for human rights in North Korea but for six years, until 2014, held that same role for Myanmar.

    Speaking from Argentina, he told me about being met at Yangon airport by Ms Dessallien.

    "I received this advice from her - saying you should not go to northern Rakhine state - please don't go there. So I asked why and there was not an answer in any respect, there was just the stance of not trying to bring trouble with the authorities, basically," he said.

    "This is just one story, but it demonstrates what was the strategy of the UN Country Team in regards to the issue of the Rohingya."

    Mr Quintana still went to northern Rakhine but said Ms Dessallien "disassociated" herself from his mission and he didn't see her again.

    One senior UN staffer told me: "We've been pandering to the Rakhine community at the expense of the Rohingya.

    "The government knows how to use us and to manipulate us and they keep on doing it - we never learn. And we can never stand up to them because we can't upset the government."[​IMG]
    Image copyright GETTY IMAGES
    Image caption Many Rohingya fled by night into Bangladesh leaving everything behind
    The UN's priorities in Rakhine were examined in a report commissioned by the UN in 2015 entitled "Slippery Slope: Helping Victims or Supporting Systems of Abuse".

    Leaked to the BBC, it is damning of the UNCT approach.

    "The UNCT strategy with respect to human rights focuses too heavily on the over-simplified hope that development investment itself will reduce tensions, failing to take into account that investing in a discriminatory structure run by discriminatory state actors is more likely to reinforce discrimination than change it."

    There have been other documents with similar conclusions. With António Guterres as the new secretary general in New York, a former senior member of the UN was asked to write a memo for his team in April.

    Titled "Repositioning the UN" the two-page document was damning in its assessment, calling the UN in Myanmar "glaringly dysfunctional".

    In the weeks that followed the memo, the UN confirmed that Ms Dessallien was being "rotated"but stressed it was nothing to do with her performance. Three months on Ms Dessallien is still the UN's top official there after the Burmese government rejected her proposed successor.

    "She has a fair view and is not biased," Shwe Mann, a former senior general and close ally of Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, told me. "Whoever is biased towards the Rohingyas, they won't like her and they will criticise her."

    Ms Dessallien declined to give an interview to the BBC to respond to this article.

    The UN in Myanmar said its approach was to be "fully inclusive" and ensure the participation of all relevant experts.

    "We strongly disagree with the accusations that the resident co-ordinator 'prevented' internal discussions. The resident co-ordinator regularly convenes all UN agencies in Myanmar to discuss how to support peace and security, human rights, development and humanitarian assistance in Rakhine state," a statement from a UN spokesperson in Yangon said.

    On Tomas Quintana's visits to Rakhine, the spokesperson said Ms Dessallien had "provided full support" in terms of personnel, logistics and security.

    Ten ambassadors, including from Britain and the United States, wrote unsolicited emails to the BBC when they heard we were working on this report, expressing their support for Ms Dessallien.

    There are those who see similarities between the UN's much-criticised role in Sri Lanka and what has happened in Myanmar. Charles Petrie wrote a damning report into the UN and Sri Lanka, and also served as the UN's top official in Myanmar (before being expelled in 2007).

    He said the UN's response to the Rohingya over the past few years had been confused and that Ms Dessallien hadn't been given the mandate to bring all of the key areas together.

    "I think the key lesson for Myanmar from Sri Lanka is the lack of a focal point. A senior level focal point addressing the situation in Myanmar in its totality - the political, the human rights, the humanitarian and the development. It remains diffuse. And that means over the last few years there have been almost competing agendas."

    So might a different approach from the UN and the international community have averted the humanitarian disaster we are seeing now? It's hard to see how it might have deterred the Burmese army's massive response following the 25 August Rohingya militant attack.
    Image copyright AFP
    Image caption Bangladesh says it is struggling to cope with the refugees
    Ms Vandenabeele said she at least believed an early warning system she proposed might have provided some indications of what was about to unfold.

    "It's hard to say which action would have been able to prevent this," she told me. "But what I know for sure is that the way it was done was never going to prevent it. The way it was done was simply ignoring the issue."

    Mr Quintana said he wished the international community had pushed harder for some sort of transitional justice system as part of the move to a hybrid democratic government.

    One source said the UN now appeared to be preparing itself for an inquiry into its response to Rakhine, and this could be similar to the inquiry that came after the controversial end to Sri Lanka's civil war - and which found it wanting.

    Wrong,the Rohingya homeland is Arakan but they were denied citizenship by the Myanmarnese junta government. And they are now persecuted in their own homeland when they tried to struggle for their rights.

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  9. ~Phoenix~ Bangladesh

    ~Phoenix~ Mi Captain MI.Net Member

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    12:00 AM, September 30, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 02:56 AM, September 30, 2017
    Deep division, no action
    Most members, including US, UK, France, strongly condemn Rohingya persecution at UNSC; meeting ends without resolution as China, Russia back Myanmar

    Rasheda, a Rohingya refugee from Myanmar, sobs as she mourns the death of her two daughters and a sister in Ukhia of Cox's Bazar. The three along with 17 other Rohingyas died on Thursday when a trawler capsized in the Bay near Inani beach. Photo: Anisur Rahman
    Shakhawat Liton

    China and Russia has once again prevented the UN Security Council from making any decision on Myanmar to protect Rohingyas from atrocities, just three years after demonstrating a strong anti-genocide stance.

    In 2014, when the UNSC held a discussion on occasion of the 20th commemoration of Rwanda genocide, Beijing and Moscow joined other members of the council to air their concerns against genocide.

    With their support the council unanimously passed a strongly-worded resolution, renewing its commitment to fight against genocide.

    But three years down the line, China and Russia at the Security Council meeting on Thursday vehemently opposed any action against Myanmar. This exposed a deep division within the the UN's most powerful body, with the US, the UK and France demanding an end to "ethnic cleansing" of Rohingya, a Muslim minority in the Buddhist-majority Myanmar.
    Two local women carry a dead Rohingya child to bathe him before burial at Inani Sub-health Complex in Cox's Bazar. The child including 19 other people drowned in the Bay on Thursday when a boat carrying Rohingya families capsized near Inani beach. Photo: Anisur Rahman/ AFP
    Empowered to take collective action to prevent and halt atrocity crimes, the UN is unable to take any action until an end to the deadlock in the UNSC.

    The Security Council can resort to imposing sanctions or even authorise the use of force to maintain or restore international peace and security. But for this it needs to unanimously pass a resolution with no negative vote by any of its permanent members.

    The UNSC's three other permanent members -- the US, the UK and France enjoying the veto power along with China and Russia in the council l-- may need to find alternative ways to put pressure on Myanmar to resolve the Rohingya crisis, according to political analysts.

    What China and Russia said at Thursday's meeting sends a clear indication that they did not move an inch from their previous stance on Myanmar and is likely to stick to their guns in the Rohingya issue in the coming days.

    Eleven years ago, they cast a double veto to the UNSC's first draft resolution on Myanmar which called on the then military junta to stop persecution of minority and opposition groups. Their negative votes killed the measure at the UNSC.

    It was a rare veto. According to a Reuters report on January 21, 2007, China and Russia had not cast a double veto since 1972. Through this move, they made the point the US needed to listen to their complaints carefully.

    In defence, they argued that human rights violations were not the purview of the Security Council unless they endangered regional or international peace and security, which Myanmar did not.

    Since then China and Russia have jointly been siding with Myanmar for their economic interests.

    They again joined together in double veto in November 2009 to kill measures in the UNSC. The draft resolution would have urged Myanmar to ease repression and release of political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi.

    In casting their negative votes, the Russian and Chinese ambassadors argued that Burma, or Myanmar as it is known at the UN, should not be on the agenda of the Security Council, according to a report of Voice of America on November 1, 2009.

    In March this year, they together blocked a short UNSC press statement on Myanmar which would have “noted with concern renewed fighting in some parts of the country and stressed the importance of humanitarian access to all effected areas”.

    After eruption of the ongoing violence, the UNSC sat at a close-door meeting at the end of August and discussed the situation. But the Chinese ambassador strongly opposed UN's involvement to resolve the crisis.

    In the wake of global outcry against the atrocities, China and Russia allowed the Security Council to issue a press statement urging Myanmar to end violence against Rohingya. It was the first time in nine years that the Council had come together to issue a statement on Myanmar.

    But the call fell flat.
    China and Russia again did not pay heed to global outcry at Thursday's open meeting held amid exodus of Rohingyas to Bangladesh from Rakhine state of Myanmar and the UN chief call for taking strong action.

    Sticking rigid to their stances, Beijing and Moscow rather questioned the UNSC's jurisdiction to take any measure and argued that any interference would worsen the situation in Myanmar.

    Russia's Ambassador to the UN Vassily Nebenzia warned that “excessive pressure” on Myanmar's government to resolve the crisis “could only aggravate the situation in the country and around it.”

    China's deputy UN ambassador condemned “recent violent attacks” in Myanmar but says “there is no quick fix” to the plight of Rohingyas.

    Earlier this month, Myanmar government officials said they were negotiating with China and Russia to protect them from any possible action by the Security Council.

    The above records, however, show the Council over the years has discussed Myanmar behind closed-doors, but could not move forward due to veto by China and Russia.

    Thursday's open meeting was second one after eight years. The last open meeting was held in 2009 when Ban Ki-moon was the Secretary-General.

    Until Thursday, the line up among the UNSC permanent members remains same on Myanmar issue. The US, the UK and France have been vocal against human rights violation in Myanmar and want actions while China and Russia have been siding with Myanmar opposing any action.

    Japan, Sweden, Bolivia and Egypt also spoke for ending the violence against the Rohingya.

    Formed in the aftermath of the Second World War with the core goal to prevent genocide, the UN has failed on many occasions due to lack of political commitment of the big nations enjoying veto power in the security council.

    Against this backdrop, the call for restraining veto power has been growing over the past few years.

    In 2013, France presented a proposal to the UN General Assembly to limit the use of the veto power in situations of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. France reiterated its stance in the general assembly in 2015.

    That year, 107 countries placed a proposal in the general assembly for enacting a code of conduct to limit the exercise of the veto power in situation of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

    Both France and the UK have given their support to the proposed code of conduct. Three other members supported neither the France's initiative nor the proposed code of conduct.

    This, too, exposed a sharp division among the permanent members of the UN's most powerful body.

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  10. ~Phoenix~ Bangladesh

    ~Phoenix~ Mi Captain MI.Net Member

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    The Rohingyas: Chronicle of a genocide foretold, one policy at a time
    The Myanmar government embarked on a calculated strategy that could only have led to the current situation, as this book explained last year.
    An exhausted Rohingya refugee woman touches the shore after crossing the Bangladesh-Myanmar border by boat through the Bay of Bengal. | danish Siddiqui/Reuters
    Azeem Ibrahim
    Myanmar the preconditions for genocide are now firmly in place.
    Racism has been normalised among the ethnically Burman population and the Rohingyas have already been subject to communal violence, state oppression and have been forced into both internal and external exile.
    Anti-Rohingya sentiment has been deliberately stoked up by a series of regimes since Burma gained independence. And most of the waves of anti-Rohingya violence have either been orchestrated by the state or have seen the officials of the state acting in close cooperation with other ethnic or religious groups.

    A powerless minority is the victim of effective ethnic cleansing, in an environment where they are hated by their neighbours and actively discriminated against by state authorities. The situation is stark. Rohingya human rights activist Tun Khin has said, “We fear we will be wiped out.” Given the importance of preparing the ground for genocide, in terms of creating a particular set of social attitudes, his conclusion should be a warning to the world: “In the case of inhumanity and injustice, no one should be silent. What’s happening to us requires a serious kind of humanity – this is a very important moment for Rohingya.”

    There has been no improvement since 2004 when Barbara Harff argued that Myanmar was the state in the world most at risk of genocide.
    Indeed, with the recent waves of violence, the situation has palpably worsened. According to United to End Genocide, “nowhere in the world are there more known precursors to genocide than in Burma today”. The Early Warning Project identified Myanmar in 2015 as the state in the world most at risk, above countries such as Sudan, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which all receive more international attention.

    The attitude of the Myanmar state towards its Rohingya minority has already crossed many of the lines from ethnic conflict towards genocide. The way the state thinks about this minority is also fundamentally racist, and more than that, the Rohingyas are now seen to be an existential threat to the chosen religious identity of the state.
    The events since 2012 can be seen as testing the limits of what is deemed acceptable both by Myanmar’s society and the wider international community, and are comparable to the build-up to genocide we have seen in the other examples discussed. As such, it seems the only thing missing is a trigger for outright genocide.

    …Each electoral cycle in Myanmar since 1990 has seen a further reduction in the rights of the Rohingyas. They were able to participate in the elections between independence and military rule, with some limits, and ethnic Rohingyas were elected to parliament (and continued to serve in parliament even after the imposition of military rule in 1962).
    In 1990, despite the loss of many rights in the intervening period, a number of Rohingyas were still allowed to vote and stand for elections, and even won seats.

    Disgracefully, the NLD and its Rakhine allies then cooperated with the military to have these victories annulled. Even in 2010, some Rohingyas had the right to vote and three were elected from Rakhine. One of these, Shwe Maung, stood for the USDP.

    To properly understand the risks of the 2015 electoral cycle we need first to look at how the lead-up was used to complete the exclusion of the Rohingyas from civic life in Myanmar, then consider the wider political dynamics in Myanmar as a whole, and then move on to consider the very specific dynamics within Rakhine.

    There is a risk that tensions at either national or regional level could be the final trigger; however, the complete exclusion of the Rohingyas in effect means that either the authorities reverse their recent decisions or the situation will escalate into forced deportation and/or mass murder. In effect, this has created a situation in which anything can be the final trigger, since any safety nets or alternative power structures have been destroyed.

    The lead-up to the 2015 elections was marked by an escalation of the exclusion of the Rohingyas.

    As a group, they have been left with no place in civic Myanmar, many have been forced into internal camps, their last vestige of official documentation has been stripped away and there were, for the first time ever, almost no Muslim candidates from any ethnic group, including those outside Rakhine, standing for parliament in 2015.

    A key step in bringing this situation about was the census conducted in 2014, when the Rohingya ethnic group was not included, and was expected to self-identify as foreigners. David Mathieson of Human Rights Watch has expressed severe concerns not just about the conduct of the census but also the complicity of the UN and other donors:

    “The exclusion of the Rohingya from the census was a betrayal of the very principles and purpose of conducting the census, and the international donors and UN agencies who were involved are complicit in this exclusion. The Rohingya have the right to self-identify and should be accorded the rights of citizens. The census [in] refusing to do so doesn’t solve the problem of stateless Rohingya, it exacerbates it and the government shouldn’t be caving to extremists and their racist agendas.”

    The 2014 census saw the deliberate exclusion of the Rohingyas, as they were forced to choose to register either as “Bengalis” or be excluded. Even the official version of the census report shows the reality in Rakhine. One third of the population was declared as “not enumerated” and nowhere in the glossy state publications can the casual reader find an explanation for this remarkable outcome. The relatively small numbers excluded in Kachin and Kayin States reflects ongoing armed conflict in those areas, something that clearly is not the case in Rakhine.

    The Rohingyas were removed from the electoral register whether they accepted the state-imposed designation of “Bengali” or refused to answer.
    Accepting the state designation as “Bengali” was tantamount to accepting the loss of any right to live in the country of their birth. Refusing to accept this designation meant the regime confiscated any remaining identity cards and tried to force all those who now lack identification into the internal refugee camps. A recent report has noted that this has “led many Rohingya to believe that there is little hope for their future in Myanmar”. An ASEAN report believes that this complete exclusion from the civic life of their own country has led many Rohingyas to conclude they are being forced out of Myanmar.

    Naturally, a government spokesman managed to justify this exclusion: “They are holding household cards stating that they are Bengali even though they self-identified themselves to be Rohingya, which is not allowed, so we did not accept that and instead classified them as ‘unidentified’”.

    However, the destruction of the last vestiges of their participation in civil life has not just been a product of the census. The persecution of the Rohingyas continues to be a factor in the interaction between the USDP, the NLD and the extremist Buddhist organisations. For example, in late 2013 the USDP had supported the idea that the holders of so-called “white cards” (that is, Rohingyas who lack normal citizenship) would be able to vote on constitutional reforms, but Buddhist nationalists immediately protested the move and the USDP was forced to back down.

    Thein Sein later declared that all white cards would expire in March 2015 and armed groups of security personnel carried out the removal of the last official documents from the possession of the Rohingyas. The loss of the last identity documents is critical as it means the Rohingyas are no longer entitled to travel or work outside the designated refugee camps.

    In addition, Muslims in general have been removed from the electoral process by a re-interpretation of electoral law. In particular, the MaBaTha and 969 Movement have forced the regime to pass further discriminatory laws about citizenship and civil rights, for example restricting marriage between Buddhists and other religious groups. Not only do the new laws add to the wider repression of the Rohingyas but, under pressure, the government has removed more than 100 possible Muslim candidates from the electoral list.

    Among them was Shwe Maung, on the grounds that his parents were not citizens. This effectively eliminated the last Rohingya voice in parliament. Tun Min Soe, who was planning to run for the NLD, has also been rejected, a decision that provoked a mild rebuke from the NLD, with their spokesman Nyan Win stating, “the rejection of candidates based on the citizenship of their parents is in my opinion an infringement upon the equal rights of citizens”.

    However, the electoral commission has cited two related laws in justifica-tion of its decisions: one barring people from running for office if their parents were not Myanmar citizens at the time of their birth; and another requiring candidates to have lived in the country for the past ten consecutive years.

    The forced displacement of the Rohingyas into internal camps, and the removal of their last vestige of democratic rights has led some observers to call Myanmar an “apartheid state”.
    In consequence, the Rohingyas are now excluded both as electors and in terms of representation and they are an easy (and shared) target for all the represented political camps. The implication is clear: failure to gain any political voice to speak for their interests in the 2015 elections means that, as a Rohingya activist put it, “the whole Rohingya will be a sort of degraded or persecuted community, and that cannot continue for long”. The inevitable result is that “the Rohingyas will disappear from Rakhine State. It is sure Rohingya will disappear”.
    Excerpted with permission from The Rohingyas: Inside Myanmar’s Hidden Genocide, Azeem Ibrahim, Speaking Tiger.
    We welcome your comments at letters@scroll.in.


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  11. ~Phoenix~ Bangladesh

    ~Phoenix~ Mi Captain MI.Net Member

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    UNSC speaks up against Myanmar but no punitive action is envisaged yet
    P K Balachandran, September 30, 2017[​IMG]
    Secretary-General António Guterres briefs the Security Council meeting on the situation in Rahkine state of Myanmar, which has seen hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees fleeing to neighbouring Bangladesh over the last several weeks. UN Photo/Kim Haughton
    After ignoring for years the smoldering Rohingya Muslim-Burmese Buddhist conflict in North Western Myanmar (apparently in the interest of bolstering the regime of “democracy icon” Aung San Suu Kyi) the United Nations has, at long last, woken up to the ethnic cleansing and genocide which have been taking place there.

    500,000 Rohingya Muslims had to flee with nothing but their lives and the clothes they were wearing to neighboring Bangladesh to live in overcrowded and unhealthy shanties and pathetically clamor for food brought by relief workers, before the UN turned its attention to the tragedy unfolding before it.

    Prior to this, the UN was so indulgent towards the Suu Kyi regime that UN press releases even avoided using the term “Rohingya”, which had become taboo for its Myamarese staffers. The UN used the Myanmarese term “Bengali” in line with the wishes of the power-that-be in Yangon.

    During her four-year stint in Myanmar as the UN’s Resident Coordinator, Renata Lok-Dessallien, tried to stop human rights activists going to sensitive Rohingya areas; attempted to shut down public advocacy on the subject; isolated staff who tried to warn that ethnic cleansing might be on the way, the BBC said.

    When a UN commissioned probe began checking its priorities in Myanmar in 2015, it damningly criticized the strategy of currying favor with the Suu Kyi regime in its report entitled: “Slippery Slope: Helping Victims of Supporting Systems of Abuse” which the BBC saw and reported.

    “The UNCT strategy with respect to human rights focuses too heavily on the over-simplified hope that development investment itself will reduce tensions, failing to take into account that investing in a discriminatory structure run by discriminatory state actors is more likely to reinforce discrimination than change it,” the BBC said quoting from the report.

    During her four-year stint in Myanmar as the UN’s Resident Coordinator, Renata Lok-Dessallien, tried to stop human rights activists going to sensitive Rohingya areas; attempted to shut down public advocacy on the subject; isolated staff who tried to warn that ethnic cleansing might be on the way, the BBC said.

    The Canadian head of the United Nations Country Team or UNCT, had reported to Secretary General Antonio Guterres in April that Lok-Dessallien was “glaringly dysfunctional.”

    Warning of the danger in allowing the wounds to grow and fester, Gueterres brought in the possibility of terrorism spreading if that were allowed. Displacement of hundreds or thousands of Rohingyas would turn the community into a “breeding ground” of radicals (read terrorists) he warned, as he called for “swift action” to prevent further deterioration.

    Indicating an unholy nexus between Lok Dessallien and the Myanmar government the UN could not appoint a successor to her because the Myanmar government would not accept the substitute.

    With the UN turning a blind eye, genocide continued to be ignored or under-reported.
    US Role
    If the matter did come up in the United Nations late this month forcefully, it was because the United States decided to go against its protégé Aung San Suu Kyi. Her failure was so gross that it could not be glossed over anymore for the sake of economic and strategic interests in Myanmar vis-à-vis regional rival China.

    UN Human Rights Chief Prince Zeid Ra’ad bin Hussein was the first speak up. He branded the activities of the Suu Kyi regime as a “text book case of ethnic cleansing.”
    Antonio Guterres Pulls No Punches
    Following a request made by several Western nations, the UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres, briefed the Security Council on Thursday in which he pulled no punches.

    “The situation has spiraled into the world’s fastest developing refugee emergency and a human rights nightmare,” the Secretary General said.

    Warning of the danger in allowing the wounds to grow and fester, Gueterres brought in the possibility of terrorism spreading if that were allowed. Displacement of hundreds or thousands of Rohingyas would turn the community into a “breeding ground” of radicals (read terrorists) he warned, as he called for “swift action” to prevent further deterioration.

    With the authorities in Myanmar themselves indicating that at least 176 of 471 Muslim villages in northern Rakhine have been totally abandoned, Gueterres said: “We have received bone-chilling accounts from those who fled – mainly women, children and the elderly.”

    “Reports and testimonies pointed to serious violations of human rights, including indiscriminate firing of weapons, the presence of landmines and sexual violence,” he said, adding: “This is unacceptable and must end immediately.” U

    Guterres went on to warn that failure to address the violence could result in a spill-over into central Rakhine — where an additional 250,000 Muslims could potentially face displacement.

    He asked the Myanmar government to give UN agencies and their non-governmental partners “immediate and safe access to all affected communities.”

    On the need to ensure safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable return of the refugees to their areas of origin, Guterres noted that the 1993 Joint Statement of the Foreign Ministers of Bangladesh and Myanmar could be a useful “starting point”. But it could not be the whole framework, he stressed.

    “The 1993 framework is not sufficient in the present circumstances, because it does not refer to resolving the root cause of displacement and because it requires documents that the refugee Rohingya may not be able to provide,” Guterres pointed out.

    “Ensuring the safe, voluntary and dignified return of refugees to Rakhine – in line with international refugee law – will require the restoration of mutual trust among the communities,” he said, noting that improved inter-communal relations forms a critical part of a sustainable solution to the crisis.

    The Secretary General said that the issue of protracted statelessness must be resolved.

    “The Muslims of Rakhine state should be granted nationality,” he stated, adding that an effective verification exercise should be conducted to weed out non-residents.

    “All others must be able to obtain a legal status that allows them to lead a normal life, including freedom of movement and access to labor markets, education and health services,” he added.
    No Time For Niceties Says US
    The US ambassador to the UN, Nikki Haley, said that Myanmar’s actions in Rakhine State appeared to be ethnic cleansing and added: “The time for well meaning words in the Council have passed.”

    Haley said that action must be considered against “Burmese (Myanmerse) security forces who are implicated in abuses stoking hatred among fellow citizens,” and urged countries that now sell weapons to Myanmar to suspend their deliveries until the military provides accountability.

    “Those who have been accused of committing abuses should be removed from command responsibilities immediately and prosecuted for wrongdoing,” Haley demanded.

    Japan’s UN Ambassador Koro Bessho strongly condemned the attacks on civilians and said his nation is “deeply disturbed” at reports of killings.
    China opposed to Quick Fix
    China, a neighbor of Myanmar and Bangladesh where hundreds of thousands have fled, said “there is no quick fix” to the conflict.

    The visiting Myanmar National Security Advisor U Thaung Tun blamed terrorism, not religious persecution, for the unfolding crisis.

    Thaung Tun said there is “no ethnic cleansing or genocide” in Myanmar, adding that those charges should not be lobbed lightly.

    Myanmar’s special envoy told the Council the country realizes the humanitarian situation needs to be addressed. He said thousands fled because of fear due to terrorism, and that Myanmar is cooperating with the Red Cross.

    Myanmar issued an invitation to the UN Secretary-General to visit the country in the “near future.” The UN said that it’s studying the offer.
    Kofi Annan to Brief UNSC
    The UNSC plans to hear from former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who chaired a commission on Myanmar packed with recommendations, next week.

    Swedish UN Ambassador Olof Skoog said the Kofi Annan report “provides the way forward,” as he urged the Myanmar government to take responsibility to bring an end to the conflict once and for all.”
    No Punitive Action Planned
    However, despite the harsh words no formal action was taken after the session. Ambassadors said they felt that the 15-member council has sent a strong message to Myanmar.

    For one thing, the Suu Kyi regime is stable and strong because on the Rohingya issue at least it has the full backing of the Tatmadaw or the Myanmar military which controls the levers of power.

    Secondly, thanks to its strategic location and mineral resources, Myanmar has great strategic and economic value to the West which cannot be ignored for the sake of the poor Rohingyas.

    Thirdly, China and Russia are standing four square behind Myanmar on this issue and both are ready to use their veto if the other permanent members, US, UK and France, propose any punitive action against Myanmar.

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  12. ~Phoenix~ Bangladesh

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    12:00 AM, October 18, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 02:41 AM, October 18, 2017
    UN shelved hunger report on Rohingyas
    It did so at request of Myanmar
    Rohingya refugees, who crossed the border from Myanmar a day before, wait to receive permission from the Bangladeshi security forces to continue on their way to the refugee camps, in Palang Khali under Ukhia upazila of Cox's Bazar yesterday. Photo: Reuters
    Star Report

    The UN World Food Programme withdrew a critical report revealing desperate hunger that the persecuted Rohingya population had been living with in Rakhine State of Myanmar, as its government demanded it be taken down.

    The report on an assessment conducted in July by the WFP warned that more than 80,000 children under the age of five in majority-Muslim areas in Rakhine were “wasting”-- a potentially fatal condition of rapid weight loss, reported The Guardian newspaper yesterday.

    The six-page document has been replaced by a statement saying Myanmar and the WFP were “collaborating on a revised version”. That process would involve “representatives from various ministries, and will respond to the need for a common approach” that was in line with “WFP's future cooperation with the government”.

    The report should not be cited in any way, reads the statement.

    The revelation adds to a series of recent criticisms that the UN did not push the Myanmar government hard enough to ensure the rights of 1.1 million Rohingyas in that country or sound the alarm at their spiralling oppression.

    The issue exploded on August 25 when Rohingya insurgents attacked security forces who then responded with a severe counteroffensive that eventually sent nearly 600,000 Rohingyas fleeing into Bangladesh. Many of the refugees alleged mass killings and rapes.

    The UN resident coordinator in Myanmar, Renata Lok Dessallien was recalled to the UN headquarters at the end of October amid allegations that she had suppressed another report and attempted to shut down public advocacy on sufferings of Rohingyas.

    In response to The Guardian's query, the WFP said the report had been withdrawn from the website “following a request by the government to conduct a joint review”.
    A Rohingya refugee woman carries her daughter searching for help. Photo: Reuters
    In an emailed statement, it said, “WFP stands by its original assessment, which was conducted jointly with local authorities in Rakhine State …. However WFP recognises that in a dynamic and evolving situation, it is important to coordinate closely with all partners, including the government.”

    The August violence, however, halted the joint review, it added.

    A consultant who had worked with the UN, including the WFP, in Myanmar, said the agency's in-country team were already extremely nervous about the report getting too much attention.

    The assessment indicated that controversial cuts of WFP food aid for internally displaced Rohingyas over the previous two years had left people in dire need, the consultant said.

    “That was the discussion that was going on behind the scenes and at a senior level,” the source said.

    “They knew it was potentially damaging. It was all to do with the fact that internally, there was a belief that the decision made to stop feeding some of the [internally displaced people] was actually causing people serious harm, in terms of food security, hunger and even starvation.”

    The WFP country office had also been prioritising its relationship with the government above humanitarian needs in an attempt to attract millions in donor funding by showing it had government-approved access to work in other parts of the country, the source told The Guardian.

    “It's a funny thing in the UN. It's all about how much money you can raise,” the source said.

    But the access came at the expense of Myanmar's most hated minority, the Rohingya, a toxic topic to raise with the government, leading to it being sidelined.

    According to the findings of the report, one-third of all homes in Maungdaw were experiencing extreme food deprivation and called for further humanitarian assistance for more than 225,000 people.

    And alarmingly, the assessment pointed to widespread accounts of security forces preventing Rohingyas from reaching markets and their crops.

    “Restriction of movement was one of the main constraints for the population for accessing food,” it said. “Residents still did not have full access to the forest, agricultural land and fishing grounds due to continuous military presence.”

    The Guardian has contacted the Myanmar government for comments.

    The WFP did not respond directly to questions about whether food aid cuts had left vulnerable people in need or whether the agency had prioritised good relations with the government over the immediate humanitarian needs of the Rohingya.

    “WFP's purpose in Myanmar is and always has been to address the food and nutrition needs of vulnerable people,” it said.

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  13. ~Phoenix~ Bangladesh

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    12:00 AM, October 22, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 12:35 PM, October 22, 2017
    Rohingya crisis a great test for UN
    UN resident coordinator tells
    Robert D Watkins

    Porimol Palma
    The ever-growing Rohingya influx is a crisis not only for Bangladesh but also for the region as well as the entire world, UN Resident Coordinator in Bangladesh Robert D Watkins has said.
    Referring to the scale of the crisis, he said even the UN was facing a great test in helping Bangladesh to tackle the emergency.

    “So far we are meeting the challenges, but we have no complete control of the situation for many reasons -- the sheer number, the speed with which they continue to cross the border and the challenges of trying to assist them in this very narrow piece of land, which is hilly,” he told The Daily Star in an interview last week.

    He lamented the lack of consensus at the UN Security Council to find a solution, and emphasised that those responsible for the crimes against the Rohingya population must be held accountable.

    “The Security Council has met more last month to talk about Myanmar than in the last 10 years. It is quite remarkable. In spite of that, we are still having problem to get consensus from the Security Council on steps that need to be taken to try to solve this problem,” said the UN head in Bangladesh.
    A Security Council meeting in late September failed to make any decision on Myanmar because of opposition from China and Russia.

    However, despite the lack of consensus at political level, there is absolute consensus that the UN has to intervene at humanitarian level. “We are doing everything within our power to ensure that needs of these people are met,” he said.

    But the lingering of the refugee crisis will adversely affect Bangladesh's economy, which is a big concern, he added.

    "It will definitely have an impact. There is no question about that. And that's why we not only have to find a solution to the problem quickly, but also to minimise the impact on the economy."

    The solution lies in the repatriation of the refugees to Myanmar given that peace and security is ensured there, said Watkins, adding that he did not think any solution would come in the next few months.

    His comments come when some 589,000 Rohingya people -- about 60 percent of them children -- have crossed into Bangladesh since August 25 to join nearly 400,000 of their fellow countrymen who fled violence in Myanmar in phases over the years.

    The UN and other aid groups are struggling to mobilise fund for the emergency reliefs.

    Early this month, UN agencies appealed for $434 million for emergency assistance for six months, but received commitment of only $105 million or 24 percent so far.

    The $434, for which the UN is going to have a pledging conference in Geneva tomorrow, is for food, shelter, water, sanitation and medicine, and will not cover the cost of Bangladesh government that is "pretty large", said Watkins.

    Therefore, it is important to seek funds from financial institutions like the World Bank, IMF, ADB, and possibly OIC, he added. "We know that we won't have the resources and Bangladesh won't have resources so we are going to find extra resources from both sides."

    Bangladesh is playing host to such a huge number of refugees when it is facing its own development challenges. Despite various measures, the yearly poverty reduction rate has dropped from 1.7 percent between 2005 and 2010 to 1.2 percent between 2010 and 2016.

    According the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics latest report, 24 percent people in Bangladesh are still poor (those unable to ensure daily food intake of 1,800-2,100 kilocalorie), and 13 percent of them are ultra poor (those unable to ensure daily food intake of 1,800 kilocalorie).

    Slower growth in agriculture, drop in remittance inflow, lack of job opportunities, wealth inequality and challenges of reaching the hard-to-reach poor people were blamed for the slowing trend that goes against the UN's Sustainable Development Goals for 2015-2030 that speak of inclusive development.

    Watkins said implementing the SDGs, which already faces financial challenges, would suffer further blows despite the fact that Bangladesh integrated the SDGs in its policies quite well.

    “We hope the pledging conference in Geneva on October 23 will be an opportunity for other member countries of the UN to express solidarity with Bangladesh and the refugees and come up with financial contributions.”

    Asked about media reports that the UN office in Myanmar shelved its own report that was critical of the UN's approach there, he said the UN leadership in Myanmar was criticised for not advocating human rights issues more openly.

    But in a country like Myanmar it is not always the best policy to criticise the government publicly, he observed.

    “Sometimes you have to speak quietly to the right people to raise these issues,” he said, adding that his UN colleagues in Myanmar followed that policy of dialogue with the government.

    In spite of that, the UN was unable to prevent the violence. This, however, does not underline that the UN has not done enough, but the fact that Myanmar government or military already had decided to do what it did in response to the August 25 attack by Rohingya insurgents, he noted.

    Asked if the UN needs reforms to make it more effective, Watkins said the discussions were very much there -- about expanding the number of permanent members and having representatives from developing countries.

    He said the other aspect of discussion is if there can be some mechanism where decisions can be moved up to the UN general assembly from the Security Council in case of a deadlock like in the case of Myanmar.

    The UN secretary-general is now focusing on administrative reforms whereby different UN agencies can work in a more coordinated way. Antonio Guterres will unveil some reforms in December.

    “He has come up with some radical ideas of change. By next year, those will be enforced,” Watkins added.
    Asked about the development challenges in Bangladesh's domestic front, the UN official, who has been posted in Dhaka for three years, said there were systematic corruption at all levels -- both low and high.

    Comparing corruption in Bangladesh with traffic chaos in the capital, he said, "People just don't care about other people. They are just concentrating on themselves."

    As there is a sense of impunity that there will be no consequences for corruption, corruption is going to continue. "It is really a lot more about changing attitude, the mindset.

    "People have to take example that nobody is above law. Ministers, for instance, are to be held accountable for their actions. If there are cases of corruption, there has to be consequences.

    "If people see that is happening, rules are happening for everyone, not just for the rickshaw pullers, but for the ministers or any others, then they will start abiding the rules. That's how you start changing the mindset of people… People at the top have to set the example.

    "People now say why should I do it? This rich man gets away with it, the minister gets away with it, why should I follow the rules? And, that's where it starts -- people at the top have to set the example."

    But the real challenge that Bangladesh faces today in democracy is the issue of full participation of all the political parties in elections.

    He said the problem in last election was that the main opposition party chose not to participate, and thus the democracy in Bangladesh is not fully reflective of all of the political parties in the country.

    "That's why we have been working tirelessly with political parties and urging them to participate in next national elections. We will be working with the Election Commission to ensure that the elections take place in the most professional environment."

    This way, parliament will reflect the whole spectrum of political opinions. "That's what we want more than anything else," said the top UN official.

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  14. ~Phoenix~ Bangladesh

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    12:00 AM, October 23, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 02:43 AM, October 23, 2017
    No real progress yet
    Efforts to solve Rohingya crisis fall short; UN pledging conference on aid today

    Rokiya, a Rohingya woman, holds her 10-month-old malnourished son, as a nurse checks him at the Action Against Hunger centre in Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox's Bazar yesterday.
    Shakhawat Liton
    Rohingyas have been telling the world numerous stories of horror, loss, murder, rape and villages burned to the ground over the last two months. The world's media have been flooded with their harrowing tales.
    The atrocities being carried out by the Myanmar military since August 25 have been termed "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing" by the UN and "genocide" by different human rights bodies.

    Yet, there has been no real progress in resolving the world's fastest growing humanitarian crisis.

    As the global outcry fails to force Myanmar to end the atrocities, their flight continues, increasing the number of refugees in Bangladesh.

    The crisis has been crying out for strong global action for a solution. But the actions remain inadequate.

    In fact, the role of UN Security Council has been appalling. It was able to issue only a statement in mid-September, expressing concern over "excessive violence" by Myanmar security forces in Rakhine State, home to the majority of Rohingyas.

    At the end of September, the UNSC discussed the crisis in an open meeting, but failed to take any decision due to China and Russia's opposition. That was all.

    No further action was seen in the last three weeks while the atrocities continued unabated. UN Chief Antonio Guterres and other top UN officials' repeated calls for suspension of military action against the Rohingyas fell flat as UNSC did nothing.

    Unless China and Russia--two permanent members of the UNSC with veto power--change their minds and refrain from supporting Myanmar, it is almost impossible for the council to do something to stop the exodus and pave the way fortheir voluntary return to their homeland.

    Amid this situation, a ministerial-level conference on the crisis will be held in Geneva today to collect funds for humanitarian aid.

    The conference, co-hosted by the European Union and the government of Kuwait, and co-organised by three UN agencies--UNHCR, IOM and OCHA, is being held to raise $434 million. But commitments so far have been made only of $116 million.

    The UN agencies have plans to provide humanitarian aid till next February.

    Humanitarian aid alone is not a solution to the crisis. It will help Rohingyas survive the next six months. What happens after February is still uncertain. But that Bangladesh will have to bear the brunt in the coming days is certain.

    Everybody knows the root causes of this crisis are in Myanmar. But the lack of collective effort, particularly the failure of the UNSC to take decisive action, keeps allowing Myanmar to continue its ethnic cleansing before the eyes of world leaders, who have repeatedly promised in the past to take action on genocide.

    After failing to stop genocides in Rwanda and Bosnia in the 1990s, the UN renewed its commitments and developed new mechanisms, including an office of the UN special advisor on prevention of genocides.

    World leaders at the United Nations World Summit in 2005 agreed that the international community has a responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic, humanitarian and other means to protect populations from genocide and crimes against humanity.

    The leaders also promised to be prepared to take collective action in accordance with the UN charter when a state manifestly fails to protect its population.

    That the efforts bore no fruit was exposed by the UN and international communities' failure to protect Rohingyas. They are being treated by the Myanmar military in the same way as the Hutus treated the Tutsis like insects during the Rwanda genocide.

    For their failure in Rwanda, Boutros Boutros-Ghali and Kofi Annan, both chiefs of the UN, and several world leaders apologised a few years after the genocide.

    "The United Nations and its member states failed Rwanda and its people during the 100-day genocide and expressed 'deep remorse' that more wasn't done to stop it," Annan said in a statement in 1999.

    On a 1998 state visit to Rwanda, former US president Bill Clinton apologised for inaction to prevent the genocide in 1994.

    “It may seem strange to you here, especially the many of you who lost members of your family, but all over the world there were people like me sitting in offices, day after day after day, who did not fully appreciate the depth and speed with which you were being engulfed by this unimaginable terror,” Clinton said.

    Annan's successor Ban Ki-moon in 2014 said, "The UN is still ashamed over its failure to prevent the 1994 genocide in Rwanda."

    With the memories of Rwanda and Bosnia still there, the genocide should not have taken place in Myanmar. The world leaders should have taken prompt action to stop Myanmar military.

    But the harrowing tales of Rohingyas show how the world leaders failed to deliver on their promises.

    Will they apologise in future for their failure? It would seem like they prefer apologising or saying sorry over taking actions.

    @Bombardier here are more articles on this topic.
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  15. Bombardier

    Bombardier Admin & Arbiter Staff Member Site Admin

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    Although I have liked your posts, I feel saddened by the content... :(
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  16. ~Phoenix~ Bangladesh

    ~Phoenix~ Mi Captain MI.Net Member

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    Thats the problem we are facing.We can't do anything for these people besides sheltering them.

    Diplomatic talks are not yielding results and we can't take military actions because our doctrine is defensive - to officially trigger a war,they need to attack first.

    Relations between Bangladesh and Myanmar are very sour.We nearly went to war during 2008-2009 and again on 2014.Our border guards regularly engage in minor skirmishes with them and their airforce regularly violate our airspace,19 incursions have occured during the ongoing Rohingya crisis alone.They even tried to build a oil rig in our maritime territory which escalated to a naval standoff short of hot engagement.

    Our armed forces have full capability for defensive warfare,but we wouldn't be prepared for an offensive on a country three times the size of our country.Also,a war with Myanmar would be bloody and would thwart our extraordinarily increasing economic growth,which has been increasing very rapidly for the last decade,however the military option can't be ruled out completely.

    Heres a great article on this topic -

    Last edited: Oct 28, 2017
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