Even political rivals think Rolf Muetzenich is a cordial man. You'd hardly notice how powerful this pacifist has become. Will the Social Democrat (SPD) chief whip force through his Russian policies as well?
Rolf Muetzenich leads the Chancellor through the ring like no other Social Democrat. He's able to do this because Olaf Scholz relies on no other Social Democrat as much as he does on Muetzenich. Because if Scholz's fraction doesn't play ball, the coalition will quickly come to an end.
Two and a half years ago, hardly anyone could have imagined that Muetzenich's position in his own party would be as strong as it is today. Russia's invasion of Ukraine called all that he'd stood for into question. The foreign policy expert had spent his entire life promoting pacifism and disarmament. That all came crashing down 24 February 2022.
Now, however, Muetzenich is making his mark on the SPD again. The fact that the German armed forces still have no armed drones despite the Zeitenwende? That's Muetzenich's work. Who decided when an agreement had to be reached in the budget dispute between the SPD, Greens and FDP and called the Chancellor to the parliamentary group for a report at 7 o'clock on a Sunday morning? Muetzenich. Who has spoken out in favour of a 'concerted action' on industrial policy in the Chancellor's Office? Muetzenich, too. And who was sending out invitation to that very summit hours later? Scholz.
"I'm a servant of this caucus." That's a typical Muetzenich. His influence is massive, he just doesn't look it. On the one hand, that's due to his style. He's a principled loner. One should absolutely take him serious. Moreover, he is a remarkably friendly man, as anyone in the political arena will admit. Even CDU leader Friedrich Merz will confess that they're on friendly terms.
On the other hand, Muetzenich is barely noticable because his current role just happened to him. When the former leader Andrea Nahles stepped down in June 2019, Muetzenich stepped in as an interim chief whip just by virtue of seniority among her deputies. Muetzenich doesn't go to talk shows or speaks to large crowds. But he's taken a liking to his new power.
He's been chief whip for five years now, he's popular with his MPs. Nevertheless the myth will not die that he's still a stranger to his role, uncomfortable about using his power. Nothing could be further from the truth.
Over the past few days, Muetzenich and his supporters calling for what they say is a "more nuanced approach to the Ukraine War" received a double boost. New party Secretary General Matthias Miersch has brought [former Chancellor] Gerhard Schroeder back to the fold in an interview. "He does have a place in SPD", Miersch told 'Stern' magazine, pointing to the fact a party commission had found no reasons to expell Schroeder, a notorious friend of Vladimir Putin and accused of damaging the party's reputation: "Even if I reject Schroeder's stance towards Putin, I can honour his life's work as a whole."
And then, the SPD and BSW in Brandenburg agreed on a resolution demanding more diplomatic efforts, claiming the war could not be ended by further arms deliveries. Both state caucuses also voiced their criticism of the planned stationing of medium-range missiles in Germany: "We need to get back to disarmament and arms control."
[Pro-Russian] BSW leader Sahra Wagenknecht praised the agreement. Nothing has been heard from the SPD leadership, which was probably informed in advance, even though the agreement sharply contradicts Scholz own's policies. After all, he'd presented the medium-range missiles as a boost to German security.
However, Brandenburg's comrades prefer to follow Muetzenich's approach rather than Scholz's. The chief whip didn't like the idea from the start, claiming it was increasing the risk of unwanted escalation. "I think the public debate about the far-reaching consequences of this decision is too short. I would like to point that out."
Some in the SPD caucus certainly see it that way. But their leader has decided not to bring them to the party line but feed their doubts. In the beginning, the cooperation between Scholz and Muetzenich had worked when the latter organised a clear majority for a defence spending boost despite being visibly opposed to it. It no longer works like that, though.
Defence Minister Boris Pistorius has to put up with being told by Muetzenich that he should "disarm rhetorically and bring down the heat". Pistorius is not a member of parliament, he's but an unwanted guest in the caucus and SPD MPs will tell him that to his face. It is no wonder, then, that MPs tell him to think security bigger than merely in military terms, a slap in the face for Pistorius who's been lobbying for a higher defence budget. No one in Muetzenich's party wants it.
In no other policy area has Muetzenich wielded as much influence as in his efforts to keep Germany's defence preparedness weak. For a decade, this pacifist from Cologne has fought against increases in military spending, buying modern arms and reducing the strategic dependence on Putin's increasingly authoritarian regime; first as a foreign policy expert and then as chief whip. Anyone who dared to criticise Putin got an earful from Muetzenich – like SPD Foreign Minister Heiko Maas, for whom it spelt the end of his career.
Above all, Muetzenich delayed the purchase of armed drones which now dominate the battlefield. CDU Defence Ministers Ursula von der Leyen and Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer both tried in vain to break this resistance. Although they had the SPD's own defence experts on their side, including Defence Committee chairman Fritz Felgentreu and Armed Forces Ombudsman Hans-Peter Bartels, and pulled all the stops in terms of political persuasion skills, Muetzenich retained the upper hand.
In the autumn of 2020, he proposed an international conference to ban drones. He categorically rejected an increase in the defence budget, which he said at the end of 2020 was like "dancing around the golden idol".
Four months before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Muetzenich accused Kramp-Karrenbauer of "escalating things". He didn't name Putin once. According to Muetzenich, the "order of the day" was now to "find some sort of agreement". Muetzenich also disparaged NATO's two percent spending goal as "absurd". In April 2021, he rejected the Greens' demand that Nord Stream 2 should not be completed as "unrivalled in hypocrisy".
Whilst thousands of armed drones are deployed in Ukraine every day, Germany still does not have a single armed drone; that's the work of Muetzenich and the SPD party left. Former party Secretary General Lars Klingbeil and then-Chancellor candidate Olaf Scholz did nothing to prevent this, nor did they say anything when Muetzenich used his power to force the resignation of [SPD] defence spending advocates Felgentreu, Bartels and Johannes Kars.
In their place, Muetzenich installed in Gabriela Heinrich and Eva Hoegl two women with no knowledge and no emotional attachment to the military. Heinrich, responsible for the party's foreign and defence policies, has hardly said a thing about these subjects since the War in Ukraine began. She left un-answered several requests for information as to if and when she'd ever visited an armed forces installation.
Felgentreu's successor Wolfgang Hellmich, a friendly older gentleman, has also not appeared in any public debate since the beginning of 2022. Among Hellmich's 27 press releases since the start of the war, not a single one deals with defence. Yet still Hellmich was chairman of the Defence Committee for a long time and, until a few days ago, defence policy spokesman for the SPD caucus.
When Scholz pushed through a €100 billion defence spending fund at the beginning of 2022, just in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Muetzenich secured a majority in the parliamentary group but also ensured that Wiebke Esdar, a politician who had never had anything to do with armaments and defence, became the head of the monitoring committee.
Although she is responsible for monitoring and supporting the expenditure of a unique fund, this commitment does not appear at all under the heading "My work in Berlin" on her website. Among dozens of photos, there is none showing the Social Democrat with soldiers. So far, she has had nothing to say about the Bundeswehr. Muetzenich's cadre policy in the guise of outward amiability has only failed once with Hoegl, who, as Armed Forces Ombudswoman, successfully freed herself from his shackles.
Heiko Maas was the last of those in the SPD who tried to oppose Muetzenich's pro-Russian course. The Foreign Minister from 2017 to 2021 was not only in favour of acquiring armed drones, he also opposed Muetzenich's push to withdraw from nuclear sharing in NATO. At the beginning of his term in office, Maas had tried to take a tougher line against Russia, which he called "increasingly hostile".
His stance towards Moscow drew the ire of Muetzenich and other party left-wingers. In autumn 2018, a board meeting turned into a showdown and Maas suffered a heavy defeat at the hands of Muetzenich, who was assisted by [fellow notorious pacifists] Ralf Stegner and Manuela Schwesig at the time. Muetzenich said that the minister failed to recognise that Russia was just beginning to change and that it was important to "seize the momentum". And Lars Klingbeil, General Secretary at the time, was quoted as saying that the SPD needed to "rediscover itself as a party of peace". Since then, Maas has kept a low profile, and in 2021 he also lost his office without leaving a trace.
Will all of this now be taken up again with the new Secretary General Miersch and through cooperation with the BSW? Muetzenich couldn't hide a smile when he recently noted in an interview that everyone was talking more about diplomacy as of late. (
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